CATECISMO PARA ADULTOS LEONARDO CASTELLANI PDF

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To browse Academia. Skip to main content. By using our site, you agree to our collection of information through the use of cookies. To learn more, view our Privacy Policy. Log In Sign Up. Prince Eugene and his library. A preliminary analysis. Vittoria Feola. A preliminary analysis.. Eugenio di Savoia fra liberti- naggio e libertinismo, tra maschile e femminile Prosperi, Delitto e perdono.

Savelli, Censori e giuristi. Coen, Il mercato dei quadri a Roma nel diciottesimo secolo. Entre lectures et voyage G. Lettere , a cura di Albertina Vittoria G. Harris A. Edizioni Scientifiche Italiane s. Comitato direttivo: paolo cammarosano, massimo firpo codirettore , luigi mascilli migliorini, arnaldo marcone, antonello mattone, grado g.

Gli sconti non sono cumulabili. Responsabile: Giuseppe Ricuperati. Periodico esonerato da B. Spedizione in abbonamento postale art. I am very grateful for the comments of Ewen Bowie, one of my oldest friends, and a fellow founder of the Deipnosophists, an unofficial Ox- ford discussion group of classical scholars, historians and art historians which was active for more than forty years.

Concept Yet Athenaeus seems to have wanted to attract readers, or per- haps rather he had the more limited ambition of at least making his compilation useful as a work of reference by giving it a coherent shape. All long works in antiquity have a dual structure. There is first the underlying concept or structure according to which the work, whether narrative or informational, is organised, and there are sec- ondly the accretive principles that create the selection and ordering of the actual content of narrative or information presented.

The task of the reader is to understand how both these levels work, so divin- ing the principles and methods that have guided the author in the or- dering of his material. The existence of the first type of structuring is usually clear, but often neglected as too obvious to be worthy of comment. Pattison, Isaac Casaubon 2ndedn Oxford Deonna, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 17 Of modern editions of Athenaeus, the new Loeb ed.

Douglas Olson Harvard offers no im- provement on the previous edition by C. Gulick, but the de luxe Italian edition, Ateneo, I Deipnosofisti by the pupils of Luciano Canfora has useful indices and an excellent introduction by Christian Jacob, which was subsequently revised and translated into English as The Web of Athenaeus Center for Hellenic Studies, Washington , cited as Jacob See also the introduction to the Spanish trans- lation by the leading contemporary Athenaeus scholar, L.

In or- der to understand a work as an ancient reader understood it, we need to approach it with this basic structure in mind; otherwise we im- pose our own anachronistic interpretation in place of both the inten- tions of the author and the experience of the ancient reader. Works of an encyclopedic nature also have their own underlying logic, however unfamiliar their structures.

The fantasist J. As Foucault pointed out, undoubtedly the least rational mode of organisation is the modern use of an alphabetical order, which produces a series of chaotic and random juxtapositions whose inter- connection is completely incomprehensible to anyone from a differ- ent language group. Al- most all the principles of arrangement that we know today — by au- thor; by subject, date, keyword, appended index, cross-referencing, alphabetic ordering — have a long history.

The chaos of incomprehension is never far away from such com- pilations, as is shown by those other ancient authors who grappled with the same problems, and with whom Athenaeus is often com- pared.

Foucault, Les Mots et les choses Paris Finnegan, Why do we Quote? The Culture and History of Quotation Cam- bridge p. But perhaps the most revealing comparison with the work of Athenaeus is the Ono- masticon of the lexicographer Pollux, about whom more later. The Deipnosophistae of Athenaeus faces similar problems. The au- thor has created a massive work of reference, a gastronomic ency- clopedia or dictionary of quotations, that he must guide the reader through.

This presents a problem for the modern as well as for the ancient user. The ancient user has a sim- pler problem: he must know the organising principle in order to find his way around: in order to use this massive reference work of thirty papyrus rolls8 stored in a box or set of pigeon holes, he needs to know how to locate the specific information that each roll may con- tain. That is easy in the modern world of bound volumes with page numbers and indexes, but not at all easy for the generations who orig- inally consulted the work.

The epitome of the lost introduction of Athenaeus 1. Whitmarsh eds. Holford-Strevens - A. Vardi ed. In the absence of such authorial assistance one obvious answer for the frustrated reader is to compose a more readable epitome, such as in- deed was created for Athenaeus, and on which our knowledge of the first two lost books and other missing sections entirely depends But unlike the Latin writers mentioned, Athenaeus did not write his own epitome: it was compiled centuries later by an impatient Byzantine user, between the transcription of the Marcianus manuscript by John the Calligrapher at the start of the tenth century, and the twelfth cen- tury when the epitome was in turn used by Eustathius The Marcianus was brought to Venice from Constantinople by Giovanni Aurispa in ; it is an unusual manuscript which has been carefully transcribed by John the Calligrapher between and A.

This principle of dividing each book into two rolls probably belongs to the original author; for in his recently rediscovered work peri alupesias Galen envisages dividing certain books of his treatise on the vocabulary of comedy into two rolls because of their length The books themselves usually contain a variety of sub- jects, and are not for the most part clearly divided into topics: there 9 Athen.

Peppink ed. The best account of the manuscript tradition of Athenaeus is G. Arnott, Athenaeus and the Epitome, AW ch. AW ch. Boudon- Millot, Galien, Ne pas se chagriner Paris Who was Athenaeus? Encyclopedists are notoriously shy in re- vealing their identity, and there is little certain evidence either for the name of the author or for his date.

His date is usually given as around A. It is however clear that the literary form does not relate to a real event: the characters are too separated in date and are ideal types rather than drawn from life; ancient dialogues seldom re- spect historical plausibility, as the dialogues of Plato, Cicero and Mac- robius all demonstrate.

The first author to show awareness of the work as a whole appears indeed to have been Macrobius, who saw Athenaeus as the ideal model for the learned feasting of his own Sat- urnalia, and who is now placed in the first half of the fifth century Late antiquity was an age of invented authors: it is a disturbing thought that Athenaeus might be no more real than the six different serial bi- ographers who claimed to live in the age of Diocletian and Con- stantine, that were imagined by the author of the Historia Augusta sometime in the late fourth century.

But one should not be too sceptical: editors of encyclopedias are often shadowy characters. Athenaios Borges, although he was taken seriously by German bibliographers. In fact the reality and the date of Athenaeus of Naucratis are re- vealed by three incidental passages.

Despite the fact that the epitomator often omits the names of authors cited, the chronological reference in this passage must directly reflect the original text of Athenaeus, and it serves to prove that Athenaeus belonged to perhaps the generation after Oppian.

Secondly a derogatory reference of Athenaeus to Commodus at Finally a number of pas- sages in Aelian clearly derive from Athenaeus. The most obvious is a list of famous drunkards at Aelian survived into the reign of Severus Alexander The biography of G. Raupp, Biographische-Bibliographisches Kirchenlexicon xxvi For he was not just a casual user of Athenaeus; he is in fact the first indeed the only known reader of Athenaeus be- fore Macrobius.

Occasionally Aelian abbreviates or selects infor- mation, occasionally he offers a minor variant. The majority of his information comes from the later books of Athenaeus books 9 to 14 , but there is one reference to information found in book 1 and a couple to book 6. More significantly, for most of his material Aelian offers a series of stories in the same order that the text of Athenaeus presents the underlying quotations: it looks as if he is systematically searching the written text of the Deipnosophistae for suitable mate- rial.

Thus all but two of the stories in the first nine books of Aelian are presented in the same order as they appear in Athenaeus books He moves from sacred pigeons. Aelian continues his systematic reading through Athenaeus book 12 with stories about the Athenian habit of wearing purple 4. Aelian tells us that Dionysius of the two authors see N.

Wilson, Aelian Historical Miscellany Loeb 10f. Berlin The story does not convince me but I report what I have found out about him. These variants may be due to carelessness, or given that each interrupts the order of citations from Athenaeus to the use of a different source. After book 9 Aelian seems to offer a more random use of Athenaeus, for stories about the behaviour of Smindyrides of Sybaris at the mar- riage feast of Agariste Although there is no coherence in their presentation, the stories are all indeed amusing and well told.

Three times Aelian mentions the author cited by Athenaeus as a source behind his story, but he never quotes the relevant passage.

Whatever purpose Athenaeus in- tended his book to serve, basically for Aelian it is a quarry, and the way he searches systematically through Athenaeus books , as if reading them for the first time, might suggest that their publication was perhaps very recent.

These authors clearly belonged to a group in close contact with each other; Philostratus describes Aelian in Lives of the Sophists 2.

Finally that Athenaeus actually came from Naucratis is demon- strated most clearly by another fishy passage. He nowhere offers any clear personal information about himself, and his references to the customs of Naucratis are mainly derived from books rather than lo- cal information.

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